E 

T2R 


THE    WINTER   SGI&TICE    ALTARS   AT 
HANO    PUSBLO 


BY 


J.  WALTER  FEWKES 


Department  of  Middle 
American  Research 
Tulane  University  of 
Louisiana* 


Sctiulier  Collect/on. 

(From  the  American  Anthropologist  (N.  s.),  Vol.  I,  April,  1899) 


NEW   YORK 

G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 
1899 


DEPARTMENT  of  MIDDLE  AMERICAN  RESEARCH 
THE  TULANE  UNIVEBSmrof  LOUOSOANA 

NEW 


acroft  Library 


THE  WINTER  SOLSTICE  ALTARS  AT  HANO 

PUEBLO 

BY  J.  WALTER  FEWKES 
INTRODUCTION 

The  fetishes  displayed  in  their  kivas  by  different  phratries 
during  the  Winter  Solstice  ceremony  at  the  Hopi  pueblo  of 
Walpi,  in  northeastern  Arizona,  have  been  described  in  a  previous 
article,1  in  which  the  altar  made  in  the  Monkiva,  or  "  chief  "  cere 
monial  chamber,  by  the  Patki  and  related  people  has  been  given 
special  attention.  The  author  had  hoped  in  1898  2  to  supplement 
this  description  by  an  exhaustive  study  of  the  Winter  Solstice 
ceremonies  of  all  the  families  of  the  East  Mesa,  but  was  prevented 
from  so  doing  by  the  breaking  out  of  an  epidemic.  This  study 
was  begun  with  fair  results,  and  before  withdrawing  from  the 
kivas  he  was  able  to  make  a  few  observations  on  certain  altars 
at  Hano  which  had  escaped  him  in  the  preceding  year. 

Walpi,  commonly  called  by  the  natives  Hopiki,  "  Hopi 
pueblo,"  began  its  history  as  a  settlement  of  Snake  clans 
which  had  united  with  the  Bear  phratry.  From  time  to  time  this 
settlement  grew  in  size  by  the  addition  of  the  Ala,  Pakab,  Patki, 
and  other  phratries  of  lesser  importance.  Among  important  in 
crements  in  modern  times  may  be  mentioned  several  clans  of 
Tanoan  ancestry,  as  the  Asa,  Honani,  and  the  like.  These  have 
all  been  assimilated,  having  lost  their  identity  as  distinct  peoples 
and  become  an  integral  part  of  the  population  of  Walpi,  or  of  its 
colony,  Sitcomovi.3  Among  the  most  recent  arrivals  in  Tusayan 

1  The  Winter  Solstice  Ceremony  at  Walpi  (American  Anthropologist ',  vol.  Xl). 

2  These   studies  were   made   under   the    auspices   of   the   Bureau   of   American 
Ethnology. 

3  Most  of  the  people  of  Sitcomovi  are  of  the  Asa  and  Honani  clans,  of  Tanoan 
ancestry,  but  they  long  ago  lost  the  Tewa  language  and  their  Tanoan  identity. 

251 


252  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  i,  1899 

was  another  group  of  Tanoan  clans  which  will  be  considered  in 
this  article.  The  last  mentioned  are  now  domiciled  in  a  pueblo 
of  their  own  called  Hano  ;  they  have  not  yet,  as  the  others,  lost 
their  language  nor  been  merged  into  the  Hopi  people,  but  still 
preserve  intact  many  of  their  ancient  customs. 

The  present  relations  of  Hano  to  WaJpi  are  in  some  respects 
not  unlike  those  which  have  existed  in  the  past  between  incoming 
clans  and  Walpi  as  each  new  colony  entered  the  Tusayan  terri 
tory.  Thus,  after  the  Patki  people  settled  at  the  pueblo  called 
Pakatcomo,1  within  sight  of  Old  Walpi,  they  lived  there  for  some 
time,  observing  their  own  rites  and  possibly  speaking  a  different 
language  much  as  the  people  of  Hano  do  today.  In  the  course  of 
time,  however,  the  population  of  the  Patki  pueblo  was  united 
with  the  preexisting  Walpi  families,  Pakatcomo  was  abandoned, 
and  its  speech  and  ritual  merged  into  those  of  Walpi.  Could  we 
have  studied  the  Patki  people  when  they  lived  at  their  former 
homes,  Pakatcomo  or  Homolobi,  we  would  be  able  to  arrive 
at  more  exact  ideas  of  their  peculiar  rites  and  altars  than  is  now 
possible.  Hano  has  never  been  absorbed  by  Walpi  as  the  Patki 
pueblos  were,  and  the  altars  herein  described  still  preserve  their 
true  Tanoan  characteristics.  These  altars  are  interesting  because 
made  in  a  Tanoan  pueblo  by  Tewa  clans  which  are  intrusive  in 
the  Hopi  country,  and  are  especially  instructive  because  it  is  held 
by  their  priests  that  like  altars  are  or  were  made  in  midwinter 
rites  by  their  kindred  now  dwelling  along  the  Rio  Grande  in  New 
Mexico. 

The  midwinter  rite  in  which  the  altars  are  employed  is  called 
Tdntai  by  the  Tewa,  who  likewise  designate  it  by  the  Hopi  name 
Soyaluna.  This  latter  term  may  be  regarded  as  a  general  one 
applied  to  the  assemblages  of  different  families  in  all  the  kivas  of 
the  East  Mesa  at  that  time.  The  name  of  the  Tewa  rite  is  a 


1  The  site  of  this  last  settlement  of  the  Patki  people,  before  they  joined  those 
of  Walpi,  is  in  the  plain  about  four  miles  south  of  the  East  Mesa.  The  ruins  of  the 
pueblo  are  still  visible,  and  the  foundation  walls  can  readily  be  traced. 


FEWKES]  WINTER  SOLSTICE  ALTAKS  A  T  HA  NO  2$  3 

special  one,  and  possibly  the  other  families  who  assemble  at  this 
time  once  had  or  still  retain  their  own  names  for  their  celebra 
tions.  The  Tdntai  altars  were  brought  by  the  ancestors  of  the 
present  people  of  Hano  from  their  old  eastern  home,  and  the  rites 
about  them  are  distinctly  Tewan,  although  celebrated  at  the  same 
time  as  the  Winter  Solstice  ceremonies  of  the  Hopi  families. 

CLAN  COMPOSITION  OF  HANO 

The  pueblo  called  Hano  is  one  of  three  villages  on  the  East 
Mesa  of  Tusayan  and  contained,  according  to  the  writer's  census 
of  1893,  a  population  of  163  persons.  It  was  settled  between  the 
years  1700  and  1710  by  people  from  Tcewadi,  a  pueblo  situated 
near  Pefta  Blanca  on  the  Rio  Grande  in  New  Mexico.  Although 
only  six  persons  of  pureTanoan  ancestry  are  now  living  at  Hano, 
the  inhabitants  still  speak  the  Tewa  dialect  and  claim  as  kindred 
the  peoples  of  San  Juan,  Santa  Clara,  San  Ildefonso,  Pojoaque, 
Nambe,  and  Tesuque.1  The  best  traditionists  declare  that  their 
ancestors  were  invited  to  leave  their  old  home,  Tcewadi,  by  the 
Snake  chief  of  Walpi,  who  was  then  pueblo  chief  of  that  village. 
They  claim  that  they  made  their  long  journey  to  give  aid  against 
the  Ute  Indians  who  were  raiding  the  Hopi,  and  that  they  re 
sponded  after  four  consecutive  invitations.  The  Walpi  Snake 
chief  sent  them  an  embassy  bearing  prayer-sticks  as  offerings,  and 
although  they  had  refused  three  invitations  they  accepted  the 
fourth. 

According  to  traditions  the  following  clans  have  lived  in  Hano, 
but  it  is  not  stated  that  all  went  to  the  East  Mesa  together  from 
Tcewadi :  Okuwun,  Rain-cloud  ;  Sa,  Tobacco ;  Kolon,  Corn  ; 
Tenyiik,  Pine ;  Katcina,  Katcina ;  Nan,  Sand ;  Kopeeli,  Pink 
Shell ;  Koyamvi,  Turquoise ;  Kapolo,  Crane ;  Tun,  Sun  ;  Ke, 

1  The    Hano    names    of    these   pueblos   are — San   Juan,    ;    Santa    Clara, 

Kap'a;  San  Ildefonso,  Pocunwe ;  Pojoaque,  P'ok-wode ;  Nambe,  Ndme ;  Tesuque, 
Tetsogi.  They  also  claim  Taos  ( Tawile)  and  Picuris  (Ohke),  but  say  that  another 
speech  is  mixed  with  theirs  in  these  pueblos. 


254  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  i,  1899 

Bear ;  TV,  Cotton  wood  ;  Tayek  (?) ;  Pe,  Firewood ;  and  Tceta, 
Bivalve  shell. 

The  early  chiefs  whose  names  have  been  obtained  are  Mapibi 
of  the  Nan-towa,  Potafi  of  the  Ke-towa,  and  Talekweft  and  Kepo 
of  the  Kolon-towa.  The  present  village  chief  is  Anote  of  the  Sa- 
towa  or  Tobacco  clan.1 

Of  the  original  clans  which  at  some  time  have  been  with  the 
Hano  people,  the  following  have  now  become  extinct :  Kopeeli, 
Koyanwi,  Kapolo,  Tun,  Tayek,  Pe?  and  Tceta.  The  last  member 
of  the  Tuii  or  Sun  people  was  old  chief  Kalacai  who  died  about 
four  years  ago.  It  is  quite  probable  that  several  of  these  extinct 
clans  did  not  start  from  Tcewadi  with  the  others.  There  were 
several  waves  of  Tanoan  emigrants  from  the  Rio  Grande  region 
which  went  to  Tusayan  about  the  same  time,  among  which  may 
be  mentioned  the  Asa,  which  took  a  more  southerly  route,  via 
Zufii.  The  route  of  the  Asa  people  will  be  considered  in  another 
article,  and  the  evidences  that  some  of  the  Asa  clans  joined  their 
kindred  on  their  advent  into  Tusayan  will  be  developed  later. 
Probably  certain  members  of  the  Katcina  clan  accompanied  the 
Asa  people  as  far  as  the  Awatobi  mesa  and  then  affiliated  with 
the  early  Hano  clans.3 

The  census  of  Hano  in  December,  1898,  was  as  follows: 


1  The  Tewa  of  Hano  call  the  Hopi  Koso,  and  the  Hopi  speak  of  the  Hano  people 
as    the    Towa   or   the   Hanum-nydmd.     The  word  "  Moki,"  so  constantly  used  by 
white  people  to  designate  the  Hopi,  is  never  applied  by  the  Hopi  to  themselves,  and 
they  strongly  object  to  it.     The  dead  are  said  to  be  rnoki,  which  enters  into  the  forma 
tion  of  verbs,  as  tconmoki,  to  starve  ;  tcinmoki,  to  be  very  lonesome,  etc.     The  name 
Hano  or  Hanoki  is,  I  believe,  simply  a  combination  of  the  words  Hano  and  ki,  "  east 
ern  pueblo."     The  element  hano  appears  also  in  the  designation  for  American,  Pahano^ 
"  eastern  water  "  ;  pahanoki,  "American  house."     Both  the  Asa  and  the  Tewa  peoples 
are  called  Hanum  clans. 

2  Remains  of  old  reservoirs,  elaborately  walled,  from  which  water  was  drawn  by 
means  of  a  gourd  tied  to  a  long  pole,  are  still  pointed  out  near  Tukinovi  and  are  said 
to  have  belonged  to  the  Pe-towa.     Old  Tcasra  claims  that  they  were  in  use  in  his 
mother's  grandmother's  time. 

3  The  troubles  following  the  great  rebellion  of  1680  drove  many  Tewa  from  the 
Rio  Grande  valley  to  Tusayan. 


Clans 
Okuvvun  

Males                       } 
12               .... 

7  em  ales 
8 
5 

12 

16 

IO 

9 
4          

7 

at  home.  . 

Sa  

8         

Kolon  

ii          ...» 

Tenyiik    

12                        . 

Ke  

r 

Katcina       .  .  . 

0 

8 

5" 

Nan  

.... 

4 

Total  native 

to  Hano  domiciled 

FEWKES]  WINTER  SOLSTICE  ALTARS  A  T  HA  NO  255 

Total 
20 
13 
23 
28 
15 
17 

9 
n 

136 

The  above  enumeration  of  Hano  population  does  not  include 
Walpi  and  Sitcomovi  men  married  to  Hano  women  (23),  nor 
Tewa  men  living  in  the  neighboring  pueblos  (15).'  Adding 
these,  the  population  is  increased  to  174,  which  may  be  called 
the  actual  enumeration  at  the  close  of  1898.  Subsequent  mor 
tality  due  to  smallpox  and  whooping-cough  will  reduce  the 
number  below  160. 

In  the  following  lists  there  are  arranged,  under  their  re 
spective  clans,  the  names  of  all  the  known  inhabitants  of  Hano. 
There  have  been  several  deaths  since  the  lists  were  made  (De 
cember  i,  1898),  and  several  births  which  also  are  not  included. 
It  will  be  noted  that  the  majority  have  Tanoan  names,  but  there 
are  several  with  names  of  Hopi  origin,  for  in  these  latter  in 
stances  I  was  unable  to  obtain  any  other.3 

Census  of  Hano  by  Clans 

Okuwun-towa,  or  Rain-cloud  clan. — Men  and  boys  :  Kalakwai, 
Kala,  Tctia,  Wiwela,  Kahe,  Yane,  Solo,  Yunci,  Fade,  Klee, 
Kochayna,  Kee  (12).  Women  and  girls:  Sikyumka,  Kwentce, 

1  It  is  impossible  to  make  this  enumeration  accurate,  hence  these  numbers  must 
be  regarded  as  approximations. 

2  It  is  not  unusual  to  find  several  names  applied  to  the  same  person.     Thus, 
Hani,  the  chief  of  the  Piba  clans  at  Walpi,  is  called  Lesma  in  the  Snake  kiva.     The 
Walpi  call  the  author  Nakwipi,  but  the  Flute  chief  at  Cipaulovi  insists  that  his  name 
is  Yoyowaiamu,  which  appellation  was  given  when  the  author  was  inducted  into  the 
Flute  rites  at  that  pueblo  in  1891. 


256  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  i,  1899 

Talitsche,  Yoyowaiolo,  Pobitcanwu,  Yoanuche,  Asou,  Tawamana 
(8).     Total,  20. 

Sa-towa,  or  Tobacco  clan. — Men  and  boys :  Anote,  Asena, 
Teme,  Ipwantiwa,  Howila,  Nuci,  Yauma,  Satee  (8).  Women 
and  girls  :  Okaft,  Heli,  Kotu,  Kwaft,  Mota  (5).  Total,  13. 

Kolon-towa,  or  Corn  clan. — Men  and  boys :  Polakka,  Patufl- 
tupi,  Akofttcowu,  Komaletiwa,  Agaiyo,  Tcide,  Oba,  Toto,  Peke, 
Kelo,  Tasce  (n).  Women  and  girls:  Kotcaka,  Talikwia,  Nam- 
pio,  Kwefttcowu,  Heele,  Pele,  Kontce,  Koompipi,  Chaiwi 
Kweckatcaflwu,  Awatcomwu,  Antce  (12).  Total,  23. 

Tenyuk-towa,  or  Pine  clan. — Men  and  boys :  Tawa, 
Wako,  Paoba,  Topi,  Yota,  Pobinelli,  Yeva,  Tafte,  Lelo,  Senneje, 
Poctce  (12).  Women  and  girls:  Tofilo,  Hokona,  Kode(?), 
pede,  Nebenne,  Tabowiiqti,  Pohe,  Saliko,  Eye,  Porkufl,  Pehta, 
Hekpobi,  Setale,  Naici,  Katcine,  Tcenlapobi  (16).  Total,  28.' 

Ke-towa,  or  Bear  clan. — Men  and  boys :  Mepi,  Tae,  Tcakwajna, 
Poliella,  Tegi  (5).  Women  and  girls  :  Kaufi,  Kalaie,  P^ne, 
Tcetcufi,  Kala,  Katcinmana,  Selapi,  Tolo,  Pokona,  Kode  (lo). 
Total  15.  Tcaper  ("Tom  Sawyer")  may  be  enrolled  in  this 
or  the  preceding  family.  He  is  a  Paiute,  without  kin  in  Hano, 
and  was  sold  when  a  boy  as  a  slave  by  his  father.  His  sisters 
were  sold  to  the  Navaho  at  the  same  time.  Tcaper  became  the 
property  of  an  Oraibi,  later  of  a  Tewa  man,  now  dead,  and  so 
far  as  can  be  learned  is  the  only  Paiute  now  living  at  Hano. 

Katcina-towa. — Men  and  boys :  Kwevehoya,  Taci,  Avaiyo, 
Poya,  Oyi,  Wehe,  Sibentima,  Tawahonima  (8).  Women  and 
girls :  Okotce,  Kwenka,  Awe,  Pefiaiyo,  Peft,  Pofi,  Tcao,  Poschauwu, 
Sawiyu  (9).  Total,  17. 

Te-towa,  or  Cottonwood  clan.  Men  and  boys  :  Sania,  Kuyapi, 
Okuapin,  Ponyin,  Pebihoya  (5).  Women  and  girls  :  Yunne, 
Pobitche,  Poitzufi,  Kalazaft  (4).  Total,  9. 

Nan-towa,  or  Sand  clan. — Men  and  boys :  Pufisauwi,  Pocine, 
Talumtiwa,  Cia  (4).  Women  and  girls :  Pocilipobi,  Talabensi, 
Humhebuima,  Kae,  Avatca,  "Nancy,"  Simana  (7).  Total,  II. 


FEWKES]  WINTER  SOLSTICE  ALTARS  AT  HANO 

The  present  families  in  Hano  are  so  distributed  that  the  oldest 
part  of  the  pueblo  is  situated  at  the  head  of  the  trail  east  of  the 
Monkiva.  This  is  still  owned  and  inhabited  by  the  Sa,Kolon,  and 
Ke  clans,  all  of  which  probably  came  from  Tcewadi.  The  Katcina 
and  related  Tenyuk,  as  well  as  the  Okuwun  and  related  Nan  clans, 
are  said,  by  some  traditions,  to  have  joined  the  Tewa  colonists  after 
they  reached  the  Hopi  mesas,  and  the  position  of  their  houses  in 
respect  to  the  main  house-cluster  favors  that  theory.  Other 
traditions  say  that  the  first  pueblo  chief  of  the  Tewa  was  chief 
of  the  Nan-towa.  Too  much  faith  should  not  be  put  in  this 
statement,  notwithstanding  the  chief  of  the  Tewakiva  belongs 
to  the  Nan-towa.  It  seems  more  probable  that  the  Ke  or  Bear 
clan  was  the  leading  one  in  early  times,  and  that  its  chief  was 
also  kimonwi  or  governor  of  the  first  settlement  at  the  foot  of 
the  mesa. 

TEWA  LEGENDS 

According  to  one  authority  (Kalakwai)  the  route  of  migration 
of  the  Hano  clans  from  their  ancient  home,  Tcewadi,  led  them 
first  to  Jemesi  (Jemez),  where  they  rested  a  year.  From  Jemesi 
they  went  to  Opinpo  or  Pawikpa  ("  Duck  water  ").  Thence  they 
proceeded  to  Kepo,  or  Bear  spring,  the  present  Fort  Wingate, 
and  from  this  place  they  continued  to  the  site  of  Fort  Defiance, 
thence  to  Wukopakabi  or  Pueblo  Ganado.  Continuing  their 
migration  they  entered  Pufici,  or  Keam's  canyon,  and  traversing 
its  entire  length,  arrived  at  Isba,  or  Coyote  spring,  near  the 
present  trail  of  the  East  Mesa,  where  they  built  their  pueblo. 
This  settlement  (Kohti)  was  along  the  foot-hills  to  the  left  of  the 
spring,  near  a  large  yellow  rock  or  cliff  called  Sikyaowatcomo 
("  Yellow-rock  mound  ").  There  they  lived  for  some  time,  as  the 
debris  and  ground-plan  of  their  building  attest.  Their  pueblo 
was  a  large  one,  and  it  was  conveniently  near  a  spring  called 
Ufiba,  now  filled  up,  and  Isba,  still  used  by  the  Hano  people. 

Shortly  after  their  arrival  Ute  warriors  made  a  new  foray  on 


258  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  I,  1899 

the  Hopi  pueblos,  and  swarmed  into  the  valley  north  of  Wala,1 
capturing  many  sheep  which  they  drove  to  the  hills  north  of  the 
mesa.2  The  Tewa  attacked  them  at  that  place,  and  the  Ute  war 
riors  killed  all  the  sheep  which  they  had  captured,  making  a  pro 
tecting  rampart  of  their  carcasses.  On  this  account  the  place  is  now 
called  Sikwitukwi  ("  Meat  pinnacle").  The  Tewa  killed  all  but 
two  of  their  opponents  who  were  taken  captives  and  sent  home 
with  the  message  that  the  Bears  had  come,  and  if  any  of  their 
tribe  ever  returned  as  hostiles  they  would  all  be  killed.  From 
that  time  Ute  invasions  ceased. 

According  to  another  good  authority  in  Tewa  lore,  the  Asa 
people  left  "  Kaekibi,"  near  Abiquiu,  in  northern  New  Mexico, 
about  the  time  the  other  Tewa  left  Tcewadi.  They  traveled 
together  rapidly  for  some  time,  but  separated  at  Laguna,  the  Asa 
taking  the  southern  route,  via  Zufii.  The  Tewa  clans  arrived 
first  (?)  at  Tusayan  and  waited  for  the  Asa  in  the  sand-hills  near 
Isba.  Both  groups,  according  to  this  authority,  took  part  in  the 
Ute  fight  at  Sikwitukwi,  and  when  they  returned  the  village  chief 
of  Walpi  gave  the  Asa  people  for  their  habitation  that  portion  of 
the  mesa  top  northeast  of  the  Tewakiva,  while  the  present  site 
of  Hano  was  assigned  to  the  Tewa  clans.  During  a  famine  the 
Asa  moved  to  Tiibka  (Canyon  Tsegi,  or  "  Chelly  "),  where  they 
planted  the  peach  trees  that  are  still  to  be  seen.  The  ruined 
walls  east  of  Hano  are  a  remnant  of  the  pueblo  abandoned  by 
them.  The  Asa  intermarried  with  the  Navaho  and  lost  their 
language.  When  they  returned  to  the  East  Mesa  the  Hopi 
assigned  to  them  for  their  houses  that  part  of  Walpi  at  the  head 
of  the  stairway  trail  on  condition  that  they  would  defend  it."  8 

1  The  gap  in  the  East  Mesa  just  at  the  head  of  the  trail  before  one  enters  Hano. 
The  pueblo  of  Walpi  derived  its  name  from  this  gap. 

2  Their  nomadic  enemies  raided  so  near  the  pueblo  of  the  East  Mesa  that  the 
priests  were  unable  to  visit  their  shrines  without  danger.     The  idol  of  Talatumsi,  used 
in  the  New-fire  ceremony,  was  removed  from  its  shrine  north  of  Wala  on  that  account. 

3  Later,  as  the  outcome  of  a  petty  quarrel  near  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  cen 
tury,  the  Asa  women  moved  to  Sitcomovi  which  they  founded.     At  present  there  is 
only  one  woman  of  this  clan  in  Walpi,  and  no  women  of  the  Honani,  both  of  which 
clans  are  strong  in  Sitcomovi. 


FEWKES]  WIN TER  SOL S TICK  ALTARS  AT  HANO  2$$ 

In  view  of  the  tenacity  with  which  the  women  of  Hano  have 
clung  to  their  language,  even  when  married  to  Hopi  men,  it  seems 
strange  that  the  Asa  lost  their  native  dialect  during  the  short 
time  they  lived  in  Tsegi  canyon  ;  but  the  Asa  men  may  have 
married  Navaho  women,  and  the  Tanoan  tongues  become  lost  in 
that  way,  the  Asa  women  being  in  the  minority.  There  is  such 
uniformity  in  all  the  legends  that  the  Asa  were  Tanoan  people, 
that  we  can  hardly  doubt  their  truth,  whatever  explanation  may 
be  given  of  how  the  Asa  lost  their  former  idiom. 

In  1782  Morfi  described  Hano,1  under  the  name  "  Tanos,"  as 
a  pueblo  of  one  hundred  and  ten  families,  with  a  central  plaza 
and  streets.  He  noted  the  difference  of  idiom  between  it  and 
Walpi.  If  Morfi's  census  be  correct,  the  pueblo  has  diminished 
in  population  since  his  time.  Since  1782  Hano  has  probably 
never  been  deserted,  although  its  population  has  several  times 
been  considerably  reduced  by  epidemics. 

In  return  for  their  aid  in  driving  the  Ute  warriors  from  the 
country,  the  Hopi  chief  gave  the  Tewa  all  the  land  in  the  two 
valleys  on  each  side  of  the  mesa,  north  and  east  of  a  line  drawn 
at  right  angles  to  Wa/a,  the  Gap.  This  line  of  demarcation  is 
recognized  by  the  Tewa,  although  some  of  them  claim  that  the 
Hopi  have  land-holdings  in  their  territory.  The  line  of  division 
is  carefully  observed  in  the  building  of  new  houses  in  the  foothills, 
for  the  Hopi  families  build  west  of  the  line,  the  Tewa  people 
east  of  it. 

DIFFERENCES  IN  SOCIAL  CUSTOMS 

A  casual  visitor  to  the  East  Mesa  would  not  notice  any  differ 
ence  between  the  people  of  Hano  and  those  of  Walpi,  and  in  fact 
many  Walpi  men  have  married  Tanoan  women  and  live  in  their 
village.  The  difference  of  idiom,  however,  is  immediately  notice 
able,  and  seems  destined  to  persist.  Almost  every  inhabitant  of 
Hano  speaks  Hopi,  but  no  Hopi  speaks  or  understands  Tewa. 

1  Ten  Broeck  in  1852  seems  to  have  been  the  first  writer  to  adopt  the  true  name, 
Hano,  of  the  Tewa  pueblo  on  the  East  Mesa. 


260  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  i,  1899 

While  there  are  Tewa  men  from  Hano  in  several  of  the  Hopi 
villages,  where  they  have  families,  no  Tewa  woman  lives  in  Walpi. 
This  is  of  course  due  to  the  fact  that  the  matriarchal  system 
exists,  and  that  a  girl  on  marrying  lives  with  her  mother  or  with 
her  clan,  while  a  newly  married  man  goes  to  the  home  of  his 
wife's  clan  to  live. 

There  are  differences  in  marriage  and  mortuary  customs,  in 
the  way  the  women  wear  their  hair,1  and  in  other  minor  matters, 
but  at  present  the  great  difference  between  the  Hopi  and  the 
Tewa  is  in  their  religious  ceremonials,  which,  next  to  language, 
are  the  most  persistent  features  of  their  tribal  life.  Hano  has  a 
very  limited  ritual ;  it  celebrates  in  August  a  peculiar  rite  known 
as  Sumykoli,  or  the  sun  prayer-stick  making,  as  well  as  the  Tdiitai 
midwinter  ceremony,  the  altars  of  which  are  described  herein. 
There  are  also  many  katcina  dances  which  are  not  different  from 
those  performed  at  Walpi.  One  group  of  clown  priests,  called 
Paiakyamd,  is  characteristic  of  Hano.  Compared  with  the  elabo 
rate  ritual  of  the  Hopi  pueblo,  that  of  Hano  is  poor ;  but  Tewa 
men  are  members  of  most  of  the  religious  societies  of  Walpi,  and 
some  of  the  women  take  part  in  the  basket  dance  (Lalakonti}  and 
Mamzrauti,  in  that  village. 

The  following  Tewa  names  for  months  are  current  at  Hano  : 

January,  Elo-p'o,  "  Wooden-cup  moon  "  ;  refers  to  the  cups,  made 
of  wood,  used  by  the  Tcukuwympkiyas  in  a  ceremonial  game. 
February,  Kduton-p'o,  "  Singing  moon." 


1  One  of  the  differences  in  custom  between  Hopi  and  Tewa  women  is  the  method 
of  making  their  coiffures.  Unmarried  girls  of  Walpi  and  Hano  dress  their  hair  in  the 
same  manner,  with  whorls  above  the  ears.  Married  women  have  different  ways  of 
wearing  their  hair  in  the  two  pueblos.  During  the  wedding  ceremonies  at  Hano  the 
mother  of  the  bride,  in  the  presence  of  guests,  combs  her  daughter's  hair,  or  that  part 
of  it  on  the  front  of  the  scalp,  over  the  face,  so  that  it  hangs  down  like  a  veil.  She 
ties  the  hair  on  the  back  of  the  head  in  two  coils,  one  of  which  hangs  on  either  side, 
but  the  hair  before  the  face  she  cuts  on  a  level  with  the  chin,  beginning  at  the  top  of 
the  ears.  The  hair  which  remains  is  too  short  to  be  done  up  in  coils,  and  is  simply 
brushed  to  one  side  or  the  other.  Among  Hopi  married  women  all  the  hair  is  included 
in  the  two  coils,  and  the  "bang  "  is  absent. 

AM.  ANTH.  N.  S.,  I — 17 


FEWKEsJ  WINTER  SOLSTICE  ALTARS  AT  HAND  261 

March,  Yopobi-p'o,  "  Cactus-flower  moon."  The  element  pobi? 
which  is  so  often  used  in  proper  names  among  the  Tewa,  means 
flower. 

April,  Piiiika-p'o,  "  Windbreak  moon." 

May,  Senko-p'o,  "  To-plant-secretly  moon."  This  refers  to  the 
planting  of  sweet  corn  in  nooks  and  crevices,  where  children  may  not 
see  it,  for  the  Nimdn-katcina. 

June-October,  nameless  moons,  or  the  same  names  as  the  five  winter 
moons. 

November,  CM-fof  "  Horn  moon,"  possibly  referring  to  the  Aaltd 
of  the  New-Fire  ceremony. 

December,  T&ntai-p'o^  "  Winter- solstice  moon." 

CONTEMPORARY  CEREMONIES 

The  Winter  Solstice  ceremony  is  celebrated  in  Walpi,  Sitcom- 
ovi,  and  Hano,  by  clans,  all  the  men  gathering  in  the  kivas  of 
their  respective  pueblos.  The  Soyaluna  is  thus  a  synchronous 
gathering  of  all  the  families  who  bring  their  fetishes  to  the  places 
where  they  assemble.  The  kivas  or  rooms  in  which  they  meet, 
and  the  clans  which  assemble  therein,  are  as  follows  : 

Walpi 

MO^KIVA  :  Patki,  Water-house  ;  Tabo,  rabbit ;  Kukutce,  Lizard  ; 
Tuwa,  Sand  ;  Lenya,  Flute  ;  Pibay  Tobacco  ;  and  Katcina. 

WlKWALIOBIKIVA  :    Asa. 

NACABKIVA  :  Kokop,  Firewood  ;   Tcua,  Snake. 

ALKIVA  :  Ala,  Horn. 

TCIVATOKIVA  :  Pakab,  Reed  ;  Honau,  Bear. 

Sitcomovi 

FIRST  KIVA  :  Patki,  Water-house  ;  Honani,  Badger. 
SECOND  KIVA  :  Asa. 


1  The  names  of  many  Tewa  women  end  vt\pobi,  corresponding  with  the  Hopi  si, 
a  contracted  form  of  sihd,  in  women's  names,  as  Honsi,  Nasiumsi,  etc. 

*  Among  the  Hopi  the  moon  (Tewa/V)  is  called  miiiyatlh  ;  new  moon,  miiiya- 
katci  j  first  quarter,  miiiyachaunacapti ;  full  moon,  muiyanacapti.  An  eclipse  of  the 
moon  is  spoken  of  as  miiiyadh  moki,  "dead  moon."  There  was  a  total  eclipse  of 
the  moon  visible  at  Walpi  near  the  end  of  December,  1898,  when  the  full  moon  arose 
partially  obscured.  This,  said  Sikyatala,  was  bad  for  the  Americans  who  dwell  in  the 
far  east,  but  not  for  the  Hopi.  A  "  dead  moon,"  when  in  the  meridian  of  the  Hopi 
pueblos,  is  considered  kalolamai^  "  bad." 


262  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  I,  i8g9 

Hano 

MoftKiVA  :  Sa,  Tobacco  ;  Ke,  Bear  ;  Kolon,  Corn,  etc. 
TEWAKIVA  :  Nan,  Sand  ;  Okuwun,  Rain-cloud,  etc. 

The  altars  or  fetishes  in  the  five  Walpi  kivas  are  as  follows : 

The  altar  described  in  a  former  publication  1  is  the  most  elab- 
borate  of  all  the  Winter  Solstice  fetishes  at  Walpi,  and  belongs  to 
the  Patki  and  related  clans. 

The  Asa  family  in  the  Wikwaliobikiva  had  no  altar,  but  the 
following  fetishes :  (i)  An  ancient  mask  resembling  that  of  Na- 
tacka  and  called  tcakwaina*  attached  to  which  is  a  wooden  crook 
and  a  rattle  ;  (2)  an  ancient  bandoleer  (tozriki) ;  and  (3)  several 
stone  images  of  animals.  The  shield  which  the  Asa  carried 
before  the  Monkiva  altar  had  a  star  painted  upon  it. 

The  Kokop  and  Tcua  families,  in  the  Nacabkvva,  had  no  altar, 
but  on  the  floor  of  the  kiva  there  was  a  stone  image  which 
was  said  to  have  come  from  the  ancient  pueblo  of  Sikyatki,  a 
former  village  of  the  Kokop  people. 

There  was  no  altar  in  the  Alkiva,  but  the  Ala  (Horn)  clan 
which  met  there  had  a  stone  image  of  Puiikoflhoya,  and  on  the 
shield  which  they  used  in  the  Monkiva  there  was  a  picture  of 
Alosaka. 

The  Pakab  *  (Reed  or  Arrow)  people  had  an  altar  in  the 
Tcivatokiva  where  Pautiwa  presided  with  the  tiponi  or  palladium 
of  that  family. 


1  The  Winter  Solstice  Ceremony  at  Walpi,  op.  cit. 

2  The  Asa  people  are  also  called  the  Tcakwaina  clans.     The  ruins  of  their  old 
village,  near  the  western  point  of  Awatobi  mesa,  are  called  Tcakwaina-ki.     Its  walls 
do  not  appear  above  the  surface. 

3  The  particular  ceremony  of  the  Pakab  peoples  is  the  Momtcita,  a  single  day's  rite 
which  occurs  just  after  the  Soyaluna,  under  direction  of  Pautiwa.    Connected  with  this 
ceremony  are  the  performances  of  the  "  stick  swallowers  "  or  Nocoto  priests  who  were 
thought  to  be  extinct  at  Walpi,  but  Eewa  is  chief  of  the  Nocotana  priests,  and  the 
society  includes  Wikyatiwa,  Talahoya,  Sikyaventima,  and  others.     They  still  practice 
stick-swallowing.     Pautiwa  is  chief  of  the  Kalektaka,  a  warrior  priesthood.     He  be 
longs  to  the  Eagle  clan  of  the  Pakab  phratry,  which  may  be  related  to  the  A  wata  or  Bow 
clan  of  the  former  pueblo  of  Awatobi. 


FEWKES]  WINTER  SOLSTICE  ALTARS  AT  HA  NO  263 

The  writer  was  unable  to  examine  the  fetishes  of  the  Honani 
and  Asa  clans,  who  met  in  the  two  SitcomoviTcivas.  It  was  re 
ported  that  they  have  no  altars  in  the  Soyaluna,  but  a  study 
of  their  fetishes  will  shed  important  light  on  the  nature  of  the 
rites  introduced  into  Tusayan  by  these  clans.  Tcoshoniwa  is 
chief  in  one  of  these  kivas.1 

Pocine,  chief  of  the  Tewakiva,  belongs  to  the  Nan-^va,  or 
Sand  clan,  and  is  the  elder  son  of  Pocilipobi.  Pufisauwi,  his 
uncle,  is  Pocilipobi's  brother.  As  the  kimonwi  or  village  chief  of 
the  Tewa  colonists,  when  they  came  into  Tusayan,  belonged  to 
the  Sand  clan,  we  may  suppose  this  altar  to  be  hereditary  in  this 
family. 

Anote,  the  chief  of  the  Monkiva  of  Hano,  is  the  oldest  man  of 
the  Sa-towa  or  Tobacco  clan.  Satele,  who  assisted  him  in  making 
the  altar,  is  a  member  of  the  Ke  or  Bear  clan.  Patufitupi,  who 
was  present  when  the  altar  was  made  at  Hano,  belongs  to  the 
Kolon  or  Corn  clan. 

THE  WINTER  SOLSTICE  CEREMONY 

The  Tdntai  or  Soyaluna  ceremony  of  the  East  Mesa  in  1898 
extended  from  December  Qth  to  the  iQth  inclusive,  and  the  days 
were  designated  as  follows  : 

9th,  Tcotconyunya  ( Tcotconya),  Smoke  assembly, 
loth,  Tceele  tcalautih,  Announcement, 
nth,  Ciis-tala,  First  day. 
1 2th,  Luc-tala,  Second  day. 
1 3th,  Paic-tala,  Third  day. 
1 4th,  Yunya,  Assemblage. 
1 5th,  SockahimA. 


1  Tcoshoniwa  is  generally  called  by  a  nickname,  Tcino,  "  Bald-head,"  or  "  Curly- 
hair,"  a  sobriquet  to  which  he  strongly  objects.  He  is  one  of  the  oldest  men  of  Si 
tcom  ovi,  belongs  to  the  Patki  clan,  and  was  formerly  the  kimonwi  or  governor  of 
Sitcomovi.  Hani,  of  the  Piba  (Tobacco)  clan,  is  political  chief  of  Walpi ;  and  Anote, 
also  of  the  Piba  clan,  is  chief  of  Hano.  All  the  pueblos  have  kimoilwis  or  governors, 
and  the  office  dates  from  early  times  ;  but  these  pueblo  chiefs  have  no  authority  over 
pueblos  other  than  their  own. 


264  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  I,  1899 

1 6th,  Komoktotokya. 
1 7th,  Totokya,  Totokpee. 
i8th,  Pegumnove. 
1 9th,  Navotcine. 

The  active  secret  ceremonies  began  on  the  I4th  and  ex 
tended  to  the  iQth.  Yunya  was  the  day  on  which  the  Walpi 
chiefs  entered  their  kivas,  and  Totokya  that  on  which  the  most 
important  secret  rites  were  performed. 

Tcotconyunya,  Smoke  assembly.  The  time  of  the  Soyalufia  is 
fixed  by  Kwatcakwa,  Sun-priest  of  the  Patki  clan,  who  deter 
mines  the  winter  solstice  by  means  of  observations  of  sunset  on 
the  horizon,  as  elsewhere  described.  The  Smoke  assemblage  at 
Walpi  occurred  after  sunset  on  December  Qth,  in  the  house  of 
Anwuci's  wife,  adjoining  the  Monkiva,  and  was  attended  by 
Supela,  Kwatcakwa,  Sakwistiwa,  Kwaa,  and  Anawita,  all  chiefs 
belonging  to  the  Patki  clan.  The  Smoke  assemblage  at  Hano, 
preliminary  to  the  Tdntai,  was  also  held  after  sunset  on  December 
9th,  and  was  attended  by  the  following  chiefs:  Anote  (Teme), 
Sa-towa;  Satele,  Ke-towa  ;  Pocine  (Koye),  Nan-towa  ;  Patufitupi, 
Kolon-towa. 

There  was  no  formal  notification  of  Tuntai  from  the  house 
tops  of  Hano  on  the  following  morning,  the  Soyaluna  announce 
ment  from  Walpi  serving  all  three  pueblos  on  the  East  Mesa. 

The  formal  announcement  was  made  by  Kopeli  at  daybreak 
of  December  loth.  Hoflyi,  the  regular  tcakmonwi,  or  town-crier, 
was  snowbound  at  Ream's  Canyon,  and  consequently  was  unable 
to  perform  this  function. 

The  Smoke  assemblage  and  its  formal  announcement  at  day 
break  on  the  following  morning  have  been  observed  in  the  Snake 
dance,  and  in  the  Flute,  New-fire,  and  Soyaluna  ceremonies ;  it 
probably  occurs  also  in  the  Lalakonti  and  Mamzrauti.  It  takes 
place  several  days  before  the  Assembly  day,  when  the  chief 
enters  the  kiva  and  sets  his  natci  or  standard  on  the  kiva  hatch 
to  announce  that  he  has  begun  the  ceremonies. 


FEWKES]  WINTER  SOLSTICE  ALTARS  AT  HA  NO  26$ 

KIVAS  AT  HANO 

There  are  two  kivas  in  Hano,  one  of  which,  called  Tewakiva, 
is  situated  at  the  head  of  the  trail  to  the  pueblo.  The  other, 
called  the  Monkiva,  is  built  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  plaza,  and, 
as  its  name  implies,  is  the  "  chief  "  Hano  kiva.  Both  these  semi- 
subterranean  rooms  are  rectangular  *  in  shape,  and  in  structural 
details  resemble  the  kivas  of  Walpi.  Each  has  a  hatchway  en 
trance  in  the  middle  of  the  roof,  and  is  entered  by  means  of  a 
ladder  which  rests  on  the  floor  near  a  central  fireplace.  Neither 
of  the  Hano  kivas  has  a  window,  but  each  has  a  raised  platform 
for  spectators  east  of  the  fireplace.2 

ALTAR  IN  THE  MONKIVA  AT  HANO 

Anote,3  the  chief  of  the  Monkiva,  constructed  his  altar  (plate 
XVlll)  on  the  day  above  mentioned  as  Paictala.  He  anticipated 
the  others  in  making  it,  and  began  operations,  about  10  A.M.,  by 
carefully  sweeping  the  floor.  His  fetishes  and  other  altar  para 
phernalia  were  in  a  bag  on  the  floor  at  the  western  end  of  his 
kiva,  but  there  was  no  tiponi,  or  chieftain's  badge,  even  on  the 
completed  altar. 

Shortly  after  Anote  had  finished  sweeping  the  floor  of  the 
kiva,  Satele  entered,  followed  a  few  minutes  later  by  Patufitupi.4 
These  three  men,  with  Kalakwai,  who  was  weaving  a  blanket, 
were  the  only  persons  in  the  kiva  while  the  altar  was  being  made. 
Immediately  after  the  other  chiefs  came  in,  Anote  began  the 
making  of  prayer-sticks.  Four  of  these  were  made,  each  of  char 
acteristic  Tewa  form. 

Each  of  these   prayer-sticks  was  double  the  length  of  the 

1  The  orientation  of  the  Hano  kivas  is  not  far  from  that  of  the  other  East  Mesa 
kivas,  or  about  north  44°  west. 

2  The  chief  kiva  had  a  small  stove,  an  innovation  which  was  greatly  appreciated 
by  the  writer. 

3  So  named  by  the  Hopi  ;  the  Tewa  call  him  Teme.     At  Hano  almost  everyone 
has  a  Hopi  and  a  Tewa  name. 

4  Son  of  Kutcve  and  Kotcampa  of  the  Kolon-towa,  or  Corn  clan  ;  commonly 
called  "  Esquash  "  by  Americans. 


266  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  i,  1899 

middle  finger,  and  was  painted  black  with  green  pigment  at  the 
blunt  end.  On  one  of  the  two  sticks  which  compose  this  prayer 
offering,  there  was  cut  a  facet  which  was  painted  green  with 
black  dots  representing  eyes  and  mouth.  The  stick  without  the 
facet  was  called  the  male,  and  upon  it  a  ferrule  was  incised. 

The  two  sticks  were  bound  together  with  two  cotton  strings 
in  two  places,  but  no  packet  of  prayer-meal  was  appended  as  in 
Hopi  prayer-sticks  (pahos).1  A  string  with  a  terminal  feather 
was  attached  to  that  which  bound  the  two  sticks  together. 
Anote  likewise  made  many  feathered  strings  called  nakwakwocis, 
and  Satele  fashioned  two  prayer-sticks ;  all  of  these  were  laid  in  a 
basket-tray  on  the  floor. 

After  these  prayer  offerings  had  been  completed,  Anote 
placed  on  the  floor  a  blanketful  of  moist  clay  which  he  further 
moistened  and  kneaded,  fashioning  a  part  of  it  into  a  cylinder 
about  a  foot  and  a  half  long,  and  two  inches  in  diameter.  This 
object  was  made  blunt  at  one  end  and  pointed  at  the  other. 
The  image  represents  Avaiyo,  the  Tewa  name  of  Paluliikon,  the 
Great  Serpent.  He  added  to  the  blunt  end,  or  head,  a  small 
clay  horn,2  and  inserted  a  minute  feather  in  the  tip  of  the  tail. 
He  fashioned  into  a  ball  the  clay  that  remained  after  making  the 
effigy  of  the  serpent,  patting  it  into  a  spherical  compact  mass 
about  the  size  of  a  baseball.  This,  called  the  natci,  later  served 
as  the  pedestal  to  hold  two  eagle-wing  feathers,  and  was  placed  at 
the  kiva  hatch  each  day  to  inform  the  uninitiated  that  ceremonies 
were  in  progress. 

Having  finished  the  effigy  of  the  Great  Serpent  and  formed 
the  clay  cylinder  to  his  liking,  Anote  made  on  the  western  side  of 
the  floor  of  the  kiva  a  ridge  of  sand,  a  few  inches  high  and  about 

1  The  corn-husk  packet  of  meal  seems  to  be  wanting  in  Zunian,   Keresan,  and 
Tanoan  prayer-sticks,  but  it  is  almost  universally  present  in  those  of  the  Hopi.     The 
Tanoan  prayer-stick  is  called  o'dope. 

2  A  cephalic  horn  is  an  essential  organ  of  the  Great  Snake,  and  is  always  repre 
sented  in  pictography  and  on  graven  or  other  images  of  this  being.     Note  the  similar 
ity  of  his  Tewa  name  to  the  Spanish  word  abajo,  "  below." 


FEWKES]  WINTER  SOLSTICE  ALTARS  AT  HANO  267 

two  feet  long,  parallel  with  the  western  wall.  While  making  this 
ridge  he  sat  between  it  and  the  kiva  wall.  Having  patted  this 
sand  ridge  to  the  proper  height,  he  removed  from  their  wrapping 
of  coarse  cloth,  four  sticks,  each  about  two  feet  long.  These 
sticks,  dingy  with  age,  were  tied  in  pairs,  and  were  called  ponya- 
saka,  "  altar  ladders."  They  were  inserted  in  the  ridge  in  pairs, 
one  on  each  side,  and  between  them  was  placed  in  the  sand  a 
row  of  eagle  feathers.  As  these  were  being  put  in  position  by 
Satele,  Anote  sang  in  a  low  tone,  the  song  continuing  as  the  other 
parts  of  the  altar  were  arranged.1  Anote  was  frequently  obliged 
to  prompt  his  associate  regarding  the  proper  arrangement  of  the 
objects  on  the  altar. 

Satele  next  drew  a  line  of  prayer-meal  before  the  ridge  of 
sand,  and  from  it,  as  a  base  line,  made  three  deep  semicircles  rep 
resenting  rain-clouds.  These  were  drawn  as  simple,  elongated 
outlines,  but  immediately  the  chief  sprinkled  meal  on  the  floor 
over  the  space  enclosed  by  them.  The  curved  edges  of  the  three 
rain-cloud  symbols  were  then  rimmed  with  black  sand  or  pow 
dered  coal.  About  twenty  short,  parallel  lines,  representing 
falling  rain,  were  next  drawn  on  the  floor  with  cornmeal,  and 
alternating  with  them  the  same  number  of  black  lines.  Satele 
then  placed  upon  the  rain-cloud  symbols,  skeleton  puma  paws,  two 
for  each  rain-cloud.  At  the  apex  of  each  symbolic  cloud  a  stone 
fetish  of  a  bear  was  deposited,  and  by  the  side  of  each  an  arrow- 
point  or  other  stone  object  was  laid. 

The  clay  effigy  of  the  Great  Snake  was  next  placed  back  of 
the  rain-cloud  symbols,  with  the  head  pointing  southward.  As 
this  effigy  lay  on  the  floor,  Anote  made  on  it,  with  meal,  repre 
sentations  of  eyes  and  teeth,  then  drew  two  lines  of  meal  about 
the  neck  for  a  necklace,  and  two  other  parallel  lines  about  the 
tail.  Black  powder  was  then  evenly  sprinkled  along  the  back  of 
the  effigy. 

1  This  is  the  first  time  songs  have  been  noted  while  an  altar  was  being  put  in 
place. 


268  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  i,  1899 

Both  Anote  and  Satele  procured  a  few  ears  of  differently  col 
ored  corn  and  shelled  them  upon  the  rain-cloud  picture,  sprinkling 
the  grains  evenly  over  the  meal  design,  and  adding  a  few  to  the 
back  of  the  Great  Snake.  Squash  and  melon  seeds  were  likewise 
distributed  in  the  same  way.  The  vase  from  which  the  stone 
effigies  and  other  images  were  taken  was  then  placed  near  the 
base  of  the  middle  rain-cloud  picture,  and  a  large  quartz  crystal 
was  added  on  the  left.  A  conch,  which  the  author  presented  to 
the  chief,  was  placed  on  the  right  of  this  vase.  Anote  then  swept 
the  floor  north  of  the  fireplace,  and  as  he  sang  in  a  low  tone  Satele 
drew  a  straight  line  of  meal  from  near  the  right  pole  of  the  ladder 
across  the  floor  to  the  middle  of  the  altar.  He  placed  along  this 
line,  at  intervals,  four  feathers,  and  near  where  it  joined  the  altar 
he  stretched  a  string,  with  an  attached  feather,  called  \ht  piitabi* 
He  then  sprinkled  a  line  of  pollen  along  this  trail  of  meal. 

Anote's  medicine-bowl  was  set  just  in  front  of  the  middle  rain- 
cloud  figure ;  the  clay  pedestal  with  inserted  upright  feathers 
stood  before  the  left,  and  a  basket-tray  with  prayer-meal  before 
the  right  rain-cloud  figure. 

ALTAR  IN  THE  TEWAKIVA  AT  HANO 

The  altar  (plate  xix)  in  the  Tewakiva  was  begun  about  10  A.M. 
on  the  Assembly  day,  and  was  made  by  Pocine,2  assisted  by  his 
uncle,  Puftsauwi,  both  members  of  the  Nan-towa,  or  Sand  clan. 

The  preparations  began  with  the  manufacture  of  a  clay  effigy 
of  the  Great  Snake  similar  to  but  larger  than  that  made  by  Anote 
in  the  Monkiva.  The  clay  was  moistened  and  kneaded  on  the 
floor,  and  then  rolled  into  a  cylinder  about  three  feet  long,  blunt 
at  one  end  and  pointed  at  the  other. 

1  This  was   a  four-stranded  string  of  cotton,  as   long  as  the  outstretched  arm, 
measured  from  over  the  heart  to  the  tip  of  the  longest  finger.     It  is  supposed  to  be 
a  roadway  of  blessings,  and  the  trail  of  meal  is  the  pathway  along  which,  in  their 
belief,  the  benign  influences  of  the  altar  pass  from  it  to  the  kiva  entrance  and  to  the 
pueblo. 

2  Pocine  is  a  youth  not  far  from  seventeen  years  of  age.     His  marriage  ceremony 
was  studied  by  the  writer  a  week  before  the  Tdntai. 


FEWKES]  WINTER  SOLSTICE  ALTARS  AT  HANO  269 

Four  clay  balls  were  made  at  the  same  time.  One  of  these 
later  served  as  the  base  of  a  standard  (natci)  which  was  subse 
quently  placed  each  morning  on  the  kiva  hatch  to  warn  the  un 
initiated  not  to  enter.  The  other  three  were  placed  back  of  the 
altar  and  supported  the  sticks  called  the  altar-ladders,  which  will 
be  considered  later. 

Pocine  outlined  with  meal  on  the  floor  a  square  figure  which 
he  divided  into  two  rectangular  parts  by  a  line  parallel  with  the 
northern  side.  He  used  meal  of  two  colors — white  for  one  rec 
tangle,  and  light  brown  or  pinkish  for  the  other.  Having  made 
the  outlines  of  the  rectangle  with  great  care,  he  carelessly  sprinkled 
the  enclosed  spaces  with  the  meal,  hardly  covering  the  sand  base 
upon  which  the  figures  were  drawn.  He  then  added  four  triangu 
lar  figures  in  meal  on  the  south  or  front  side  of  the  rectangular 
symbols.  These  images  represented  rain-clouds,  and  were  alter 
nately  white  and  brown.1  To  the  tips  of  these  triangular  rain-cloud 
figures  he  appended  zigzag  continuations  with  lozenge-shaped 
tips  representing  the  lightning  of  the  four  cardinal  points.  A 
stone  spearpoint  or  arrowhead  was  laid  on  each  lozenge-like  tip 
of  the  zigzag  lightning.3  Bancroft  Library 

The  two  men,  Pocine  and  Puftsauwi,  next  raised  the  snake 
effigy  and  bore  it  to  a  position  back  of  the  rectangular  meal 
figures  on  the  floor.  They  deposited  it  in  such  a  way  that  its 
head  pointed  southward.  Having  set  the  snake  effigy  in  the 
position  which  it  was  to  retain  throughout  the  ceremony,  Pocine 
sprinkled  a  black  powder  along  the  back  of  the  image,  while  his 
uncle  inserted  several  kernels  of  corn  in  the  blunt  end  to  repre- 


1  The  triangle  among  the  Hopi  is  almost  as  common  a  symbol  of  the  rain-cloud  as 
the  semicircle.    It  is  a  very  old  symbol,  and  is  frequently  found  with  the  same  meaning 
in  cliff-houses  and  in  ancient  pictography. 

2  It  was  found  in  studying  the  four  lightning  symbols  on  this  Tewa  altar  that  sex 
is  associated  with  cardinal  points  as  in  the  Walpi  Antelope  altar.     The  lightning  of 
the  north  is  male,  that  of  the  west  female,  the  south  male,  and  the  east  female.     The 
same  holds  with  many  objects  in  Hopi  altars  ;  thus  the  stone  objects,  tcamahia,  of  the 
Antelope  altar  follow  this  rule.     In  the  same  way  plants  and  herbs  have  sex  (not  in 
the  Linnean  meaning),  and  are  likewise  associated  with  the  cardinal  points. 


2/0  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  i,  1899 

sent  the  teeth  of  an  upper  jaw.  Two  kernels  of  corn  were  then 
stuck  into  the  head  to  indicate  eyes,  and  an  imitation  necklace, 
also  of  grains  of  corn,  was  made  around  the  neck  of  the  idol.  A 
double  encircling  row  of  corn  grains  was  inserted  in  the  tail  or 
pointed  end  of  the  effigy,  and  Pocine  added  a  small  feather  at 
the  tip. 

After  the  effigy  had  been  put  in  position  and  adorned  in  the 
manner  described,  both  Pocine  and  his  uncle  again  shelled  ears 
of  corn  on  the  rectangles  of  meal,1  to  which  were  added  squash, 
melon,  and  other  seeds.  These  were  regularly  distributed,  some 
being  dropped  along  the  back  of  the  image. 

A  row  of  eagle  feathers  was  now  inserted  along  the  back  of 
the  effigy,  instead  of  in  a  ridge  of  sand  as  in  the  Monkiva  altar. 
There  were  twelve  of  these  feathers,  and  they  were  placed  at 
equal  intervals  from  the  neck  to  the  tail  of  the  effigy.  Puftsauwi 
then  placed  the  three  balls  of  clay,  previously  mentioned,  back 
of  the  image,  and  in  each  of  these  balls  he  inserted  two  sticks, 
called  pahos,  similar  to  those  used  on  the  altar  of  the  Monkiva. 
These  are  ancient  objects,  being  reputed  to  have  descended  from 
a  remote  past.  One  stick  in  each  pair  was  called  the  male,  the 
other  the  female,  as  is  true  of  all  double  prayer-sticks  used  by 
the  Hopi  Indians.  They  are  called  ponya-saka,  "  altar-ladders," 
and  imitations2  of  them  in  miniature  are  made  and  placed  in 
shrines  on  the  final  day  of  the  ceremony. 

The  insertion  of  the  row  of  eagle-feathers  along  the  back  of 
the  clay  effigy  of  the  serpent  recalls  an  instructive  reptilian 
figure  on  one  of  the  bowls  from  Sikyatki.3  In  this  ancient  picto- 
graph  we  find  a  row  of  triangles  drawn  along  the  medial  line 
from  the  head  to  the  tail  of  a  lizard-like  figure.  The  use  of  the 
triangle  in  ancient  Pueblo  pictography  as  a  symbol  of  a  wing- 

1  This  sprinkling  of  corn  seeds  upon  the  meal  picture  of  a  Hopi  altar  is  mentioned 
in  an  account  of  the  Oraibi  Flute  ceremony.     The  evident  purpose  of  this  act  is  to 
vitalize  the  seeds  by  the  accompanying  rites  about  the  altar. 

2  Called  omowdh-saka,  "rain-cloud  ladders." 

3  Smithsonian  Report,  1895,  pi.  Ivii. 


FEWKES]  WINTER  SOLSTICE  ALTARS  AT  HANO 

feather,  has  been  pointed  out  in  an  article  on  the  feather 
as  a  decorative  design  in  ancient  Hopi  pottery.1  The  medial 
line  of  triangles,  representing  feathers,  on  the  Sikyatki  food-bowl, 
is  paralleled  in  the  Hano  kiva  by  eagle-wing  feathers  inserted 
along  the  middle  of  the  image  of  a  snake. 

A  small  vase  was  next  placed  just  in  advance  of  the  effigy  of 
the  Great  Snake,  and  into  this  vase  Pocine  poured  water  from  an 
earthenware  canteen,  making  a  pass  as  he  did  so  to  the  four 
Pueblo  cardinal  points — north,  west,  south,  and  east — in  sinistral 
ceremonial  circuit.3  A  stone  arrowpoint  was  then  laid  on  the 
lozenge-shaped  extremity  of  each  lightning  figure. 

Pocine  now  scraped  into  the  vase  some  powder  from  a  soft 
white  stone,  saying,  as  he  did  so,  that  the  process  was  called 
sowiyauma,  "  rabbits  emerge,"  8  and  that  he  wished  he  had  stones 
of  other  colors,  corresponding  to  the  cardinal  points,  for  the 
same  purpose.  After  this  was  finished  he  emptied  on  the  floor, 
from  a  cloth  bag,  a  miscellaneous  collection  of  botryoidal  stones 
(many  of  which  were  waterworn),  a  few  fetishes,  and  other  ob 
jects,  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  among  the  latter  being  a  large 
green  stone.  All  were  at  first  distributed  on  the  meal  picture 
without  any  special  order,  but  later  were  given  a  definite  ar 
rangement. 

Pocine  next  went  up  the  kiva  ladder,  and  standing  on  the 
upper  rung  in  the  sunlight,  sought,  by  means  of  an  angular  piece 
of  glass,  to  reflect  a  ray  of  sunlight  on  the  altar,  but  more 
especially  into  the  vase  of  medicine.  Four  turkey-feathers  were 
then  inserted  at  equal  intervals  along  the  base  of  the  serpent 
effigy,  as  shown  in  plate  XIX. 

1  The  American  Anthropologist,  vol.  XI,  page  I. 

2  The    Tewa,  like  the   Hopi,  recognize  six  ceremonial  directions — north,  west, 
south,  east,  above,  and  below.     The  sinistral  circuit  is  one  in  which  the  center  is  on 
the  left  hand,  while  the  dextral  circuit  has  its  center  to  the  right.      The  older  term, 
"sunwise,"  for  the  latter  circuit,  etymologically  means  one  ceremonial  circuit  in  the 
northern  hemisphere  and   an  opposite  in  the  southern.     On  this  and  other  accounts 
the  author  has  ceased  to  use  it  in  designating  circuits. 

3  For  the  increase  of  rabbits. 


2/2  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  i,  1899 

After  the  stone  objects  had  been  arranged  on  the  meal  picture, 
a  line  of  meal  was  drawn  along  the  floor,  from  the  right  pole  of 
the  ladder  to  the  altar.  This  line  was  drawn  with  great  care, 
particular  pains  being  taken  to  make  it  as  straight  as  possible. 
There  was  no  singing  while  this  occurred,  thus  differing  from 
the  ceremony  performed  in  the  other  Hano  kiva.  Four  small 
feathers  were  placed  at  intervals  along  the  line  of  meal.  These, 
in  sequence,  beginning  with  the  one  nearest  the  ladder,  were 
sikyatci,  yellow-bird  ;  kwahu,  eagle  or  hawk ;  koyona,  turkey  ;  and 
pociwd.  Pocine  sprinkled  pollen  along  this  line  or  nxeal  trail. 

There  was  then  emptied  from  a  canvas  bag  upon  the  rec 
tangular  meal  figures  a  heterogeneous  collection  of  objects,  among 
which  may  be  mentioned  a  bundle  of  gaming  reeds,  the  humerus 
of  a  turkey,  a  whistle  made  of  a  turkey  bone,  and  a  zigzag 
wooden  framework  such  as  is  used  by  the  Hopi  to  represent 
lightning.1 

Back  of  the  altar,  leaning  against  the  wall  of  the  kiva,  was  set 
upright  a  wooden  slat,  notched  on  both  edges  and  called  tawa- 
saka,  "  sun-ladder."  Miniature  imitations  (plate  XX)  of  this  are 
made  in  this  kiva  on  the  last  day  of  the  Tdntai  and  deposited  in 
a  shrine  near  Sikyaowatcomo,  the  site  of  the  early  settlement  of 
the  Tewa.  ^hzponya-saka  or  tawa-saka  mentioned  has  not  before 
been  seen  in  any  Hopi  ceremony,  and  it  may  be  characteristic  of 
Tewa  altars.  A  notched  prayer-stick,  called  the  rain-cloud  ladder, 
is  placed  in  the  same  shrine  at  this  time.  This  is  characteristic 
of  the  Tewa  of  Tusayan,  but  is  not  found  in  the  Hopi  pahos, 
with  which  I  am  familiar.11 


1  This  zigzag  framework  had  appended  to  one  end  a  carved  imitation  of  a  snake's 
head,  and  as  it  represents  the  lightning  this  association  was  not  incongruous.  Similar 
frameworks  are  carried  in  the  dance  by  a  man  impersonating  Piiukon,  the  War  god, 
and  at  certain  other  times  when  lightning  is  symbolized. 

*  In  asking  why  albino  Hopi  are  found  at  the  Middle  Mesa  and  not  on  the  East 
Mesa,  it  was  unexpectedly  learned  that  in  some  ceremonies  a  white  prayer-stick 
is  made  at  the  former  mesa,  and  that  albinism  was  due  to  want  of  care  by  the  father 
in  making  these  offerings  while  his  wife  was  pregnant.  The  author  has  never  seen  the 
white/a>fo  of  the  Middle  Mesa,  and  does  not  know  when  it  is  made  nor  its  shape  and  use. 


AMERICAN    ANTHROPOLOGIST 


vi.    S.,    VOL.  1,    PL.    XX 


I 


Drawn  by  J.  L.  RIDGWAY 

MINIATURE   IMITATION   OF   THE   TAWA-SAKA   OR   SUN-LADDER 
(About  one-half  size) 


FEWKES]  WINTER  SOLSTICE  ALTARS  AT  HANO  273 

The  reason  these  prayer-sticks  are  termed  "  ladders  "  is  be 
cause  they  have  the  form  of  an  ancient  type  of  ladder  made  by 
notching  a  log  of  wood.  They  are  symbols  of  the  ladders  by 
which  the  Sun  is  suopio^e^  tpXeiiierge  from  his  house  at  sunrise. 
In  the  Hopi  and  TeWa 'conception"  the  Sun  is  weary  as  he  with 
draws  to  sho  south  m«-w>Rt£r»/and»  th?es£  ia£lele:rs  are  made  to  aid 
him  in  rising*,  'anid  thus  m  returning  to"  Wess'  them.  More  light 
will  doubtless  be  shed  on  the  significance  of  the  sun-ladder  prayer- 
offerings  when  we  know  more  of  the  ceremonies  about  the  Tuntai 
altars. 

No  ttponi  or  badge  of  office  was  placed  on  this  altar  on  the  day 
it  was  made,  and  my  abrupt  departure  from  the  East  Mesa  made 
it  impossible  for  me  to  see  the  rites  which  are  later  performed 
about  it. 

It  is  evident,  from  the  preceding  description,  that  the  priests 
of  Hano  have  a  knowledge  of  the  Great  Serpent  cult  corre 
sponding  to  the  worship  of  Paliilukoft.  Among  the  Hopi  the 
Patki  people  claim  to  have  introduced  this  cult 1  in  compara 
tively  recent  times.  There  is  a  Tewa  clan  called  Okuwun  (Cloud) 
which  corresponds,  so  far  as  meaning  goes,  with  the  Patki  clan  of 
the  Hopi.  Whether  this  clan  brought  with  it  a  knowledge  of  the 
Great  Snake  is  not  clear,  as  traditions  are  silent  on  that  point. 

There  is  a  tradition  in  the  Okuwun  clan  that  their  ancestors, 
like  those  of  the  Patki,  came  from  the  south,  and  that  the  Nan- 
towa  bears  a  like  relationship  to  the  Okuwun  that  the  Hopi  Tuwa 
clan  does  to  the  Patki?  If  this  tradition  is  well  founded,  a  knowl 
edge  of  the  Great  Snake  fetish  of  the  two  Hano  kivas  may  have 
been  brought  by  the  Okuwun  and  Nan-towa  into  Tusayan  from 
the  same  place  as  that  of  Palulukofi. 

1  All  Hopi  priests  are  very  solicitous  that  sketches  of  the  Patki  altar  in  the  Soy- 
aluna  should  not  be  shown  to  Tewa  men  or  women,  and  the  Tewa  men  begged  me  to 
keep  silent  regarding  their  altars  while  conversing  with  the  Walpi  chiefs.  There  is  a 
very  strict  taboo  between  the  two  peoples  at  the  time  of  the  Winter  Solstice  ceremony, 
which  is  more  rigid  than  at  other  times. 

*  The  Tuwa  (Sand)  or  Kukillci  (Lizard)  clan  lived  at  Pakatcomo  with  the  Patki 
people,  according  to  their  legends. 

AM.    ANTH.    N.    S.,  I — 18 


2/4  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  i,  1899 

The  Kwakwantu  society  of  the  Patki  clans  among  the  Hopi 
are  intimately  connected  with  this  Great  Plumed  or  Horned  Snake 
cult.  In  some  parts  of  the  New-fire  ceremony,  in  which  this 
society  takes  a  prominent  part;  eac^mcrnbe^ of  the  society  carries 
in  his  hand  a  small  wooden  image1  off  a  horned  snake.  These 
images  are  called  fadft&o'&xb,  Jsome '  6t  the  typical  forms"  of  which 
are  figured  in  an  article  on' £kie  Naacriaiyat  ^Thc^nead  of  the 
snake  and  its  horn  are  well  represented  in  several  of  these  wooden 
effigies. 

CONCLUSIONS 

The  special  interest  attached  to  the  Winter  Solstice  altars  at 
Hano  is  in  the  fact  that  they  are  made  by  Tewa  priests  whose 
ancestors  came  to  Tusayan  about  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth 
century.  The  makers  claim  that  their  forefathers  brought  a 
knowledge  of  them  from  Tcewadi,  in  the  upper  valley  of  the  Rio 
Grande  in  New  Mexico,  and  that  their  relatives  in  the  Tewa 
pueblos  in  the  east  still  use  like  altars  in  their  celebration  at  the 
TAntai. 

Nothing,  so  far  as  known,  has  yet  been  published  on  the 
TAntai  altars  of  the  eastern  Tanoan  people,  but  ethnographers 
may  yet  find  in  the  kivas  of  those  villages  material  which  will  ren 
der  the  above  descriptions  of  comparative  interest.  The  resem 
blance  of  the  Tdntai  altars  to  that  of  the  Patki  and  related 
families  in  the  Walpi  Monkiva  at  the  Winter  Solstice,  is  a  very 
distant  one.  Both  have  snake  effigies,  but  there  is  practically  lit 
tle  else  in  common  between  them,  or  with  the  altar  erected  at  the 
same  time  by  the  Pakab  people  in  the  Tcivatokiva.  The  Tdntai  al 
tars  are  characteristically  Tewan,  and,  while  homologous  with  each 
other,  are  different  from  any  yet  known  from  the  Hopi  pueblos. 

1  Journal  of  American  Folk-lore,  1892,  pi.  n,  figs.  1-4.  These  monkohus  of 
the  Kwakwantu  society,  representing  horned  snakes,  should  not  be  confounded  with 
those  carried  by  other  societies,  typical  forms  of  which  are  shown  in  figures  5-8.  In 
the  article  quoted  it  was  not  stated  that  the  effigies  with  heads  represent  Paliilukons. 
The  effigy  on  the  massive  club  borne  by  the  chief  of  the  Kwakwantu  also  represents 
the  Great  Snake. 


FEWKES]  WINTER  SOLSTICE  ALTARS  AT  HANO  2?$ 

The  purport  of  the  Tdntai  rites  at  Hano  seems  to  be  similar  to 
that  of  the  Hopi  Soyaluna,  namely,  to  draw  back  the  sun  in  its 
southern  declination,  and  to  fertilize  the  corn  and  other  seeds  and 
increase  all  worldly  possessions.  As  at  Walpi,  strings  with 
attached  feathers  are  made  and  given  to  men  and  women  with 
wishes  that  the  gods  may  bring  them  blessings.  These  strings 
are  also  attached  to  beams  of  houses,  placed  in  springs  of  water, 
tied  to  the  tails  of  horses,  burros,  sheep,  dogs,  chickens,  and 
indeed  every  possession  which  the  Indian  has  and  wishes  to 
increase.  The  presence  of  the  idol  of  the  snake  means  snake 
worship. 

The  survival  of  the  Tanoan  Tdntai  altars  at  Hano  is  typical  of 
the  way  in  which  the  Tusayan  ritual  has  grown  to  its  present 
complicated  form.  They  are  instances  of  an  intrusive  element 
which  has  not  yet  been  amalgamated,  as  the  knowledge  of  them 
is  still  limited  to  unassimilated  people  and  clans. 

Similar  conditions  have  existed  from  time  to  time  during  the 
history  of  the  Hopi,  when  new  clans  were  added  to  those  already 
existing.  For  many  years  incoming  clans  maintained  a  strict 
taboo,  and  each  family  held  the  secrets  of  its  own  religion  ;  but 
as  time  went  on  and  assimilation  resulted  by  intermarriage, 
the  religious  society  arose,  composed  of  men  and  women  of  dif 
ferent  clans.  The  family  to  which  a  majority  of  the  membership 
belonged  continued  to  hold  the  chieftaincy,  and  owned  the  altar 
and  its  paraphernalia,  cherishing  the  legends  of  the  society. 
But  when  men  of  other  clans  were  admitted  to  membership,  a 
mutual  reaction  of  one  society  on  another  naturally  resulted. 
This  tended  to  modifications  which  have  obscured  the  original 
character  of  distinctive  family  worship. 

The  problem  of  the  Hopi  ritual,  by  which  is  meant  the  sum  of 
all  great  ceremonies  in  the  Hopi  calendar,  deals  largely  with  a 
composite  system.  It  implies,  as  elsewhere  pointed  out,  an  in 
vestigation  of  the  characteristic  religious  observances  of  several 
large  families  which  formerly  lived  apart  in  different  pueblos.  It 


2/6  AMERICAN  ANTHROPOLOGIST  [N.  s.,  i,  1899 

necessitates  a  knowledge  of  the  social  composition  of  Walpi  and 
of  the  history  of  the  different  phratries  which  make  up  the  popu 
lation  of  the  village. 

There  is  a  corollary  to  the  above  conclusions.  No  pueblo  in 
the  southwest,  outside  of  Tusayan,  has  the  same  ceremonial  calen 
dar  as  Walpi,  because  the  population  of  none  is  made  up  of  the 
same  clans  united  in  the  same  relative  proportions.  Hence  the 
old  remark  that  what  is  true  of  one  pueblo  is  true  of  all,  does  not 
apply  to  their  ritual.  Some  ceremonies  at  Jemez,  Acoma,  Sia, 
and  Zufli,  for  instance,  are  like  some  ceremonies  at  Walpi ;  but 
the  old  ceremonial  calendar  in  any  one  of  these  pueblos  was 
different  from  that  of  the  other,  because  the  component  families 
were  not  the  same.  In  the  same  way  the  ceremonies  at  Hano 
and  Walpi  have  certain  things  in  common,  due  no  doubt  to  the 
assimilation  in  the  latter  of  certain  Tanoan  clans,  but  their  calen 
dars  are  very  different.  The  Tdntai  at  Hano  differs  more  widely 
from  the  Winter  Solstice  ceremony  at  Walpi,  a  gunshot  away, 
than  the  Walpi  observance  differs  from  that  at  Oraibi,  twenty 
miles  distant.  So  we  might  also  predict  that  if  we  knew  the 
character  of  Winter  Solstice  altars  in  the  Rio  Grande  Tewa 
villages,  they  would  be  found  to  resemble  those  of  Hano  more 
closely  than  the  altars  of  Hano  resemble  those  of  Walpi. 


Knickerbocker  ipress*  Hew 


